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Clinton Fein: Please Lie to Me
Art Mur 15th Anniversary Exhibition
Montreal gallery, Art Mur is located at 5826 rue St-Hubert. "Please Lie to Me," features Clinton Fein along with a group of talented artists, including the highly controversial Chinese artist duo, the Gao Brothers
Saturday November 5, 2011 - December 17, 2011


Berkeley Says "No" to Torture
Defying Torture - The Art of Dissent
A conversation with historian/critic/activist Peter Selz and artists Clinton Fein and Richard Kamler. Location: UC Berkeley Art Museum Theater, 2621 Durant Avenue, Berkeley
Wednesday Oct 13, 2010 at 4:30 pm


Clinton Fein: Recap
Toomey Tourell Projects, San Francisco
June 4- August 7, 2010


Rules of Engagement
Marcia E. Vetrocq, Art in America
June/July, 2008


A Call to Arms
Maureen Davidson, Metro Santa Cruz Weekly
October 8, 2008


Buy into It
Michael Leaverton, SF Weekly
May 20, 2008

Kamler also asked South Africa's infamous Clinton Fein to contribute. You remember him: last year, his wall-sized photographs re-creating Abu Ghraib torture scenes reverberated like mortar bombs throughout the 49 Geary art complex. Imagine what he could do with a white dove.


Billboards bring peace message to city streets
Heather Tirado Gilligan, Bay Area Reporter
May 29, 2008


San Francisco billboard display peace messages (video)
Heather Ishimaru, ABC News
May 27, 2008


Wheatpaste for peace: SF Peace Billboards Project launches
Ariel Soto, San Francisco Bay Guardian
May 26, 2008


Night + Day: Calendar Picks
Janine Kahn, SF Weekly
May 26, 2008


READ THE PETER SELZ REVIEW OF CLINTON FEIN'S TORTURE IN THE DECEMBER 2007 ISSUE OF ART IN AMERICA


Bridge: Chicago fair launches first London edition
The Art Newspaper, London
October 12, 2007

Fein Downfall
Artron.net, China
September 2007

Iraq inspires surge of protest art
By Peter Beaumont, The Observer
September 9, 2007

TORTURE: EXHIBITION 2007
BEIJING..LONDON..MIAMI


POINTING FINGERS

Clinton Fein's blog on SFGATE, the San Francisco Chronicle's new experiment with community blogging. An irreverent look at what's happening in the world of pop culture. Check it out...


Listen to Clinton Fein talking to Richard Kamler on his radio show, Art Talk

'NY Times' and the WCHA Dinner
By Clinton Fein, Letters, Editor & Publisher
May 1, 2007

The Horror of Torture, Reinterpreted through Art
By Kenneth Baker, The San Francisco Chronicle
January 20, 2007

Precision Strike
By Michael Leaverton, SF Weekly
January 17, 2007

The Bigger Picture: 'Torture': Photographer restages infamous images from Abu Ghraib
By Reyhan Harmanci, The San Francisco Chronicle
January 11, 2007

Looking at Torture
By Andrew Sullivan, Time Magazine
January 2, 2007

TIME MAGAZINE: NOTEBOOK, Verbatim

"Who says what's officially annoying? Is that a business we really want our government to be in?" -- Clinton Fein, purveyor of the website Annoy.com, complaining about a bill in Congress that would make it a federal crime to "annoy" someone over the Internet.

Time Magazine, February 26, 2006


Cyberstalking law opens debate on what's annoying


"It's a stupid law that has slipped in under the radar," says Clinton Fein, a San Francisco-based artist who runs annoy.com, a website that he says offers "unique and irreverent" commentary on politics and culture.

Richard Willing, USA Today, February 14, 2006


New cyberstalker law raises criticism


Clinton Fein, who runs the Annoy.com Web site, is also aghast. His site is specifically set up to annoy people through, among other means, anonymous postcards sent through the mail that direct the recipient to read the sender's message at the Annoy.com site. Fein calls the new legislation annoying.

Reid Goldsborough, Philadelphia Inquirer, January 29, 2006


Is it illegal, or just annoying?


The nation's new cyberstalking restrictions started this month. The legislation updates laws designed to protect people from harrassment. The updated law makes it illegal to use the Internet to harrass someone. But a provision of the legislation also adds the word "annoy" to the types of communication that's illegal.

Listen in RealAudio

One of the people who picked up on this new language is the creator of the Web site annoy.com. Clinton Fein calls himself a political artist. He's based in San Francisco. He photoshops irreverant and frequently offensive digital postcards for users to send anonymously to whomever they want--the attorney general of the United States, for example, or perhaps your boss. Fein readily admits to pushing legal boundaries. But he wonders who, under the new law, decides what is legally annoying.

Art Hughes Interview, Future Tense, January 20, 2006


Does New Cyberstalking Law Criminalize Free Expression?


First, we will discover what Section 113 truly means when someone challenges the law. A candidate being mentioned on the Internet is Annoy.com; the site offers a "service by which people send politically incorrect postcards without being required to furnish their identity."

The site owner Clinton Fein has a history of "seeking declaratory and injunctive relief" against the Communications Decency Act of 1996 through which "indecent" computer communication that is intended to "annoy" was criminalized. Fein believes Section 113 "warrant[s] a constitutional challenge."

Wendy McElroy, Fox News, January 17, 2006


PERSPECTIVE: CREATE AN E-ANNOYANCE, GO TO JAIL.


Annoying someone via the Internet is now a federal crime. It's no joke. Last Thursday, President Bush signed into law a prohibition on posting annoying Web messages or sending annoying e-mail messages without disclosing your true identity.

Clinton Fein, a San Francisco resident who runs the Annoy.com site, says a feature permitting visitors to send obnoxious and profane postcards through e-mail could be imperiled.

"Who decides what's annoying? That's the ultimate question," Fein said. He added: "If you send an annoying message via the United States Post Office, do you have to reveal your identity?"

Declan McCullagh, C|Net, January 9, 2006


WITH INTENT TO ANNOY!


Clinton Fein responds to new legislation making it a crime to send anonymous email with an "intent to annoy."

Read more


US criminalises cyber-harassment


Civil liberties groups have vowed to fight the legislation in the courts under the First Amendment, claiming that it would make it impossible for whistleblowers to operate without putting themselves at risk.

Clinton Fein, a South African activist who runs Annoy.com, was scathing about the new law.

"It appears that one is guilty of a crime if one were simply to 'utilise' a telecoms device 'with intent to annoy' a person regardless of the content or even in its absence," he said. "A conduct rather than a content crime; perhaps waving a BlackBerry in someone's face."

Iain Thomson, vnunet.com, January 10, 2006

Clinton Fein's Tools and the Master's House of Torture

By: ZOE TRODD
January 2007


Click to Enlarge
Eddie Adams, 1968
It was 1968. On February 2 the New York Times printed a photograph by Eddie Adams on its front page, four columns wide. The image showed General Loan, a South Vietnamese general, executing a Vietcong suspect in civilian clothes. It was strikingly beautiful, the background in soft focus, the foreground displaying Loan's flexed forearm and his devil-horn tufts of hair. Americans were also struck by its simplicity: this was war boiled down to two men and an execution, no complex maneuvers or military jargon. Harry McPherson, a speech-writer for President Johnson, saw the image and observed: "You got a sense of the awfulness, the endlessness, of the war and, though it sounds naive, the unethical quality of a war in which a prisoner is shot at point-blank range. I put aside the confidential cables. I was more persuaded by the tube and by the newspapers. I was fed up with the optimism that seemed to flow without stopping from Saigon." This photograph, a frozen moment, seemed to stop the endless flow. And its impact was remarkable: after the image was reprinted across the world, public opinion polls showed the greatest single shift ever recorded by Gallup. Between February and March, doves jumped from 25 to 40 per cent, and hawks dwindled from 60 to 40 per cent.
 

Click to Enlarge
Nick Ut, 1972
It was 1968. On February 2 the New York Times printed a photograph by Eddie Adams on its front page, four columns wide. The image showed General Loan, a South Vietnamese general, executing a Vietcong suspect in civilian clothes. It was strikingly beautiful, the background in soft focus, the foreground displaying Loan's flexed forearm and his devil-horn tufts of hair. Americans were also struck by its simplicity: this was war boiled down to two men and an execution, no complex maneuvers or military jargon. Harry McPherson, a speech-writer for President Johnson, saw the image and observed: "You got a sense of the awfulness, the endlessness, of the war and, though it sounds naive, the unethical quality of a war in which a prisoner is shot at point-blank range. I put aside the confidential cables. I was more persuaded by the tube and by the newspapers. I was fed up with the optimism that seemed to flow without stopping from Saigon." This photograph, a frozen moment, seemed to stop the endless flow. And its impact was remarkable: after the image was reprinted across the world, public opinion polls showed the greatest single shift ever recorded by Gallup. Between February and March, doves jumped from 25 to 40 per cent, and hawks dwindled from 60 to 40 per cent.

Click to Enlarge
Walker Evans, 1936
Fast-forward four years, to 1972. Nick Ut's image of Kim Phuc fleeing her village after an accidental napalm bombing appeared in every American newspaper on June 9, a day after Ut shot the image. Like Adams' image, Ut's was beautiful, with a full contrast of blacks and whites and a soft focus smoky backdrop. It had elements of Greek tragedy: the face of the young boy on the left of the image is shaped like the mask of Greek tragic drama. And it resonated with familiar Christian iconography as well, for Phuc is stretched out as though crucified.

The image didn't stop American pilots dropping napalm on Iraqi troops during the 2003 advance on Baghdad. But it did shift public opinion on the Vietnam War.

Fast-forward again, to 2004. In April, 60 Minutes II released digital photographs taken by U.S. prison guards at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. The images were printed on April 30 by the New Yorker. But this time the images quickly faded from the national scene. Unlike the Vietnam images, they were easily swept aside. This difference in impact wasn't due to a difference in intent: Eddie Adams regretted destroying Loan's reputation with his 1968 photograph, explaining in an interview that the image was never meant to do what it did. Adams' image just took on a life of its own within the antiwar movement, beyond the photographer's intention. The Abu Ghraib images, however, failed to find that new life and be taken up as protest material. Squinting at the images in newspapers and online, it was hard not to wonder if this low impact was partly due to their low quality; they were perhaps too grainy, too badly lit, too drained of color, too flattened, too muted. A far cry from the great images of the Vietnam war, these images were simply forgettable.

One last fast-forward, this time to 2007. In January Clinton Fein offered his own versions of the Abu Ghraib images: large-scale, hyper-detailed, dramatically-lit and uncensored recreations of the torture scenes that rival the visual explosions of the Vietnam War. There are, of course, numerous ways to respond to Fein's exhibition. The viewer could feel like it revictimizes the prisoners within a pornography of violence, or that it forces a painful identification with the guards (those white faces staring back like a mirror-image for visitors), or that it offers a mourning ritual and a rummaging through the dark drawers of history's closet-a history that America forgot so quickly in 2004. Perhaps the exhibition does all these things. But it is also an act of patriotic dissent. After all, as Fein once said to me: "dissent is the most powerful tool America has, and ensuring its protection is the most patriotic thing an American can do." And in re-photographing the Abu Ghraib images, Fein entered a tradition of dissent that extends way beyond the Vietnam images-a tradition that, from Tom Paine to Tupac, has asked America to be America.
 

Click to Enlarge
Brookes Diagram, 1789
Like Fein and the Vietnam photographers, artists within the protest tradition have combined aesthetics and ideologies. Offering a poetics of engagement, the protest tradition has made form central to political protest. "For me this is better propaganda than it would be if it were not aesthetically enjoyable," said Glenway Wescott of Walker Evans' photographs in 1938, going on to further explain the importance of form to protest-"It is because I enjoy looking that I go on looking until the pity and the shame are impressed upon me, unforgettably." Looking at Fein's photographs, this is exactly what comes to mind: I enjoy looking and so I go on looking until the pity and the shame are impressed upon me, unforgettably.
 

Click to Enlarge
James Allen Without Sanctuary (2000),
August 6, 1906. Salisbury, North Carolina
Fein is even more deeply rooted with in the protest tradition through his use of appropriation. Audre Lorde once declared that "the master's tools can never dismantle the master's house." But there is a long tradition of doing exactly that: for centuries, American artists have appropriated images, ideas, and language for their protest. The abolitionists used technical diagrams of slave ships to protest slavery. James Allen recontextualized photographs that were originally taken to celebrate lynchings for his exhibition Without Sanctuary (2000). Anti-lynching protest writers stole the rhetoric and imagery of Christianity from lynch mobs: creating figures of black Christs, writers like W.E.B. Du Bois and Langston Hughes met white supremacists in their own performance space. And Ida B. Wells fashioned her anti-lynching protest pamphlets from material generated by lynchers themselves: she quoted white newspapers at length, explaining that "out of their own mouths shall the murderers be condemned."

Transforming the Abu Ghraib images for his own shockingly beautiful purposes, Fein makes his art a similarly appropriate process.
 

Click to Enlarge
Lewis Hine, Whitnel Cotton Mill spinner, 1909
Another aspect of Fein's art that roots him in the protest tradition is his use of shock value. For example, Abel Meeropol, who wrote the lyrics for Billie Holiday's lynching anthem "Strange Fruit" (1939), once observed that Holiday's voice could "jolt the audience out of its complacency anywhere." Equally, the poet John Balaban explained in a recent interview that his early poems about Vietnam were meant to "shock and sicken" his American audience, and the novelist Tim O'Brien notes that the shock-value in his work "awakens the reader, and shatters the abstract language of war." O'Brien adds: "So many images of war don't endure for the reader-it's the effect of a TV clip followed by a Cheerios ad. But my fiction asks readers not to shirk or look away." And John Steinbeck once claimed to have done his "damndest to rip a reader's nerves to rags," with The Grapes of Wrath (1939). The breast-feeding tableau in Steinbeck's novel is intended to shock, as are the meat-packing scenes in Upton Sinclair's The Jungle (1906), James Agee's descriptions of masturbation in Let Us Now Praise Famous Men (1941), and the suicide scene in Rebecca Harding Davis's novella Life in the Iron Mills (1861). Critiquing our culture of fear, and the Bush administration's "Shock and Awe" military policy, Fein's art is similarly calculated to shock-to inspire outrage, agitation, and a desire to reach for change.
 

Click to Enlarge
Clinton Fein, Trophy, 2007
Beyond his politics of form, use of appropriated material, and employment of shock value, Fein is located within the protest tradition still further. His exhibition uses the device of the embedded artist to suggest artistic empathy. Fein appears in the exhibition himself as a prison guard, looming from the walls just Walker Evans' shadow loomed over dustbowl migrants from behind the camera in 1930s Alabama. The decision to include himself within "Torture" summons a vision of the empathetically engaged artist, reminding us that protest artists have often worked with empathy as well as shock value-have suggested sharing another's suffering in order to help end it. Some imagined themselves as their subjects, often painfully so: the early twentieth-century photographer Lewis Hine said he needed "spiritual antiseptic" to survive, and Upton Sinclair described the "tears and anguish" that went into his novel The Jungle. Others asked the reader to become the subject: James Agee noted that he wrote repetitiously because he wanted the reader of Let Us Now Praise Famous Men to experience for themselves the boredom of tenant farmers' work.
 

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Jacob Riis, Bandit's Roost
from 'How the Other Half Lives,' 1888
Yet Fein's work goes beyond this empathetic engagement. He features as a prison guard in this exhibition, and so emphasizes the dark side of engaged art-a troubling relationship between artist and subject. This dark side lurks throughout the protest tradition. For example, when Eddie Adams photographed General Loan in 1968, Loan treated the execution as a performance. He led the prisoner towards journalists, as though, without these witnesses present, he might not have bothered to pull the trigger. Watching and witnessing here provoked and defined an execution, and this complicated the morality of looking. Equally sinister is the fact that lynchings were a lucrative business for photographers, who would regularly document them. Some were even delayed until a photographer arrived, and mob, audience, and police officials regularly posed with the corpses. Many images were sent as postcards through the mail to participants' friends and relatives, often with the sender's face marked and a note to the effect of: "This is the barbeque we had last night. My picture is to the left with a cross over it. Your son, Joe."

Like Loan's execution and America's lynchings, the acts recorded in the original Abu Ghraib images look like performances for the camera's eye, as though the greatest shame of all was to have the moment documented for an audience, for posterity. And by including himself within the exhibition, Fein engages head-on this question of the photographer's presence at scenes of violence. Perhaps the artist is as sinister a figure as the original prison guard. Perhaps Fein enjoyed making violence as beautiful as this, and now asks us to enjoy it-asks us to take as much pleasure in these scenes as the original prison guards, with their grins and gestures. Perhaps Fein's camera, which demanded of his models full nudity and physical exhaustion, is as aggressive as the prison guard's club.
 
Making his camera a weapon of torture, Fein again echoes a tradition in the protest tradition: that of imagining words as weapons, pens as swords, cameras as guns. Richard Wright imagined "using words as a weapon, using them as one would use a club." Amiri Baraka depicted words as daggers, fists, and poison gas in his poem "Black Art" (1966). James Agee called the camera a gun, Jacob Riis said he photographed the poor like a "war correspondent," and for years Woody Guthrie had a sign on his guitar that read, "This Machine Kills Fascists." In 1970, the Black Panther Party member Emory Douglas told artists to "take up their paints and brushes in one hand and their gun in the other," adding: "all of the Fascist American empire must be blown up in our pictures." Part of this tradition, Fein's appropriation of the master's tools transforms those tools into weapons that violently dismantle the master's house, shock us into questioning the role of the photographer as a witness, and ask us to question our own role as new witnesses to these scenes.

One final aspect of Fein's exhibition that locates him with the protest tradition is his strategy, quite simply, of remembering. In 2007 he remembers the early part of the Iraq War by re-photographing its images. It is an act reminiscent of the late twentieth-century photographers who found and re-photographed Walker Evans' Alabama sharecroppers from the 1930s, and it is in the tradition of all protest artists who revise protest texts and images from an earlier time. To cite just one example, Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852) was used as a model by Edward Bellamy and Upton Sinclair, as a negative spur by James Baldwin and Carl Wittman, and was eventually transformed by Bill T. Jones in a 1990s ballet. It is as though Stowe's novel needed corrective dialogue with other protest artists to make it whole.

In re-photographing Abu Ghraib, then, Fein enters a long tradition of intellectual bricolage. He salvages pieces of America's past, and makes them new and whole. It is as though he takes the rubble of history and builds a theater space for a new performance-becoming a new Angel of History. As Tony Kushner observed in a recent interview, alluding to Walter Benjamin's famous "Angel of History": "you have to be constantly looking back at the rubble of history. The most dangerous thing is to become set upon some notion of the future that isn't rooted in the bleakest, most terrifying idea of what's piled up behind you." Fein stares directly into the rubble, sees what is piled up behind us, decides that art can be made from what America has left, and invites a move from cultural haunting to social action-as though looking back might move America forward.

Zoe Trodd is a member of the Tutorial Board in History and Literature. Harvard University.